Saturday, 21 August 2021

What Afghanistan’s Women Stand to Lose

Published in partnership with Rukhshana Media, an Afghan women’s media organization, and The Fuller Project, a global nonprofit newsroom reporting on issues that affect women.

When Taliban fighters encroached on the Afghan capital Sunday, Zainab, a reporter in her mid-20s, made a decision to leave the country. She had never been abroad, but it did not deter her. If anything, it propelled her forward.

She threw some clothes into a bag, along with her passport, two mobile phones and a wad of cash before climbing into a taxi with her brother and father. They set off for the airport. Cars full of people gridlocked Kabul’s streets as thousands attempted to flee an Afghanistan soon to be under Taliban control. Afghans had watched in disbelief as major provincial capitals fell swiftly to the Taliban over a matter of days, and Kabul soon swelled with people seeking shelter.
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Only the capital — and a small patch in neighboring Panjshir province — was left.

Zainab, who does not want her last name published for security reasons and her family’s safety, has reported for American, British and German media — and was working on a months-long assignment for The Fuller Project and TIME when the Taliban seized control that day. She worried her work with foreign media would make her an easy target for the insurgents and she feared for her life.

On the way to the airport, several men on motorcycles snaked their way through the traffic before stopping at their car. They pointed their automatic rifles at the occupants, ordering everyone out. The men then robbed Zainab of the bag, the one she had packed hours before with a few essentials to leave the country. “They took everything. I was so scared, but I thought, ‘Now what if the Taliban comes for me?’” she said.

So she kept going.

They made it to the airport. Zainab said goodbye to her family and stepped inside, where she waited, without any identification or proof of who she was, for hours. As dusk arrived, the Taliban did, too, and soon shot at the large crowds that had gathered.

“People were running in all directions. I got on a plane, not even knowing where it was going.” It was cavernous and crammed with Afghan families, standing up and jostling for room. Zainab had boarded the now-famous U.S. Air Force plane that has become symbolic of the desperate end of the American war. Photos from the flight show a mass exodus as the Taliban took the capital, sealing their victory after twenty years of battling NATO and Afghan troops.

Murals are seen along the walls at a quiet U.S. embassy in Kabul on July 30, 2021. In August, as the Taliban approached, staffers at the embassy scrambled to leave.
Paula Bronstein—Getty ImagesMurals are seen along the walls at the U.S. embassy in Kabul on July 30. In August, as the Taliban approached, staffers at the embassy scrambled to leave.

Two decades of progress, brought to a halt

With the Taliban back in power, women across Afghanistan brace for an uncertain future, waiting, as the days creep by, to discover what they have lost. Over the past 20 years, bookended by Taliban control of the country, women have filled university hallways, lined offices, traveled freely across the country and further afield and joined nearly every aspect of public life. They have joined the military, judiciary systems and government. The list of their achievements is anything but exhaustive: Afghan women and girls have formed a national cricket team, competed in the Olympics and won international science competitions.

All would have been unthinkable under the group’s previous rule, from 1996 to 2001, when women were subjected to draconian treatment, forced to wear a head-to-toe burqa if stepping outside, required to travel with a mahram, a male relative escort, and denied rights to education and work.

Since the Taliban’s takeover, the international community, from the British and New Zealand prime ministers to the U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations, has implored the group to uphold human rights, especially those of women. Improving the plight of Afghan women and girls was a central message of the 20 year American-led war. Washington has spent at least $787 million on attempting to better their lives since 2002.

The extremist group has positioned itself as a transformed force, and said it will not pursue reprisals against the Afghan government and its supporters. “Everyone is forgiven,” said the Taliban spokesman Zabihullah Mujahid two days after the group took control. But millions of Afghans fear the group will return to its brutal and oppressive past.

Read more: The Taliban Are Promising Inclusivity and Amnesty in Afghanistan. But Some Officials Predict Bloodshed

The spokesperson also said the Taliban will respect women’s rights “within Islam”, though this leaves much to interpretation, and evidence is mounting of diminished freedoms. As the Taliban swept back to power in recent weeks, its fighters have turned women away from their workplaces and barred them from entering universities.

Many women fear reprisals. In Kabul, several Afghan female journalists said Talibs were in their neighborhoods, going door to door, making lists of women who worked in the media and government. One sent a video she captured from her balcony, showing armed Taliban members atop of her neighbors’ house, where they took selfies against the Kabul skyline. “I feel like I will die a gradual death here,” she wrote in a message.

On Friday, German state-owned broadcaster Deutsche Welle said the Taliban had targeted and killed a relative of one of its reporters. Salima Mazari, a female district governor who took up arms against the Taliban in recent months, was reportedly captured by the insurgents shortly after they took power, and her current whereabouts are unknown. Many previously outspoken and prominent Afghan women, including former politicians, rights advocates and famous authors, both in and outside of the country, declined to speak even anonymously in recent days.

A Taliban fighter walks past a beauty salon with images of women defaced using spray paint in the Shar-e-Naw area of Kabul on Aug. 18, 2021.
Wakil Kohsar—AFP/Getty ImagesA Taliban fighter walks past a beauty salon with images of women defaced using spray paint in the Shar-e-Naw area of Kabul on Aug. 18.

‘We feel we have lost everything.’

The women in Afghanistan who did agree to speak described feeling abandoned and betrayed by the world, and especially by the U.S. Sportswomen are burning their kits, journalists are scrubbing away their social media presence and Kabul’s streets are increasingly devoid of women.

“The U.S. is taking back what it gave us,” said Hosni, 30, who has worked for a Western-funded NGO for the past five years in Kabul and asked to be identified only by her first name. “What happens to women? We feel we have lost everything,” she said.

Before Kabul fell, a usual day for Hosni would include a visit to the gym after a day at the office, or meeting friends for a coffee inside one of Kabul’s trendy cafes, pockets of calm and sanctuary where young women could freely socialize.

Today, her office is shut and she sits at home, directionless and without a routine to shape her week. “I cannot even watch a movie, I’ve hidden my books, I can’t dance or listen to music. I haven’t done any of this in the past days,” she said.

Practically overnight, Lida, 32, has gone from being part of a small cadre of women at the Afghan Attorney General’s Office to mourning her career. “With the Taliban back in power, everything will die for women,” said Lida, who asked to be identified by a pseudonym due to security concerns.

The anti-corruption prosecutor completed her Master’s degree last year, with a specialism in criminology. She has long been a dedicated high achiever: when she was studying for her undergraduate degree, she attended classes while pregnant with the first of her two sons, who is now nine years old. “All that I have worked for, all of my dreams, have become zero, multiplied by more zeroes.”

As the Taliban inched closer towards Kabul last weekend, Lida headed to the market in search of “clothes that will keep me safe from the Taliban’s lashes.” When they ruled in the 1990s, Taliban police would whip women for not being properly covered up. In recent days, Afghan social media has swirled with photos of men and women, showing fresh welts from being beaten by Taliban mobs for not dressing according to Islamic custom.

Zahra Nabi, a female journalist working for Bano TV, near Taliban fighters at a checkpoint after the first Taliban news conference following their takeover in Kabul on Aug. 17, 2021.
Jim Huylebroek—The New York Times/ReduxZahra Nabi, a female journalist working for Bano TV, near Taliban fighters at a checkpoint after the first Taliban news conference in Kabul on Aug. 17, two days after their takeover.

The women preparing to resist

The Taliban is now seeking legitimacy on a global scale, and there are signs they are getting closer. After Kabul fell, Russia and China, two of the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council, hinted they are open to the idea of recognition. The United States and its Western allies have said such recognition would be condition-based, dependent on the group’s treatment of human rights.

But it is still unclear just how much political leverage and heft the rest of the world will have. “The most important question is whether women are going to be fighting this alone, or whether the international community has their back. That is the very least they deserve,” said Heather Barr, interim co-director of the Women’s Rights Division at Human Rights Watch.

There is a green shoot of hope in today’s dreary landscape, offering a challenge to the Taliban’s leadership: Afghan youth. The country has one of the youngest populations on earth, with 63% of its people under the age of 25, meaning most Afghans don’t remember what life under the Taliban was like. “This younger generation is saying, ‘I’m not going to go back’. They’re very determined, a force to be reckoned with,” Barr said.

Some of that translates into fierce defiance. In the days following the Taliban takeover, Afghan female journalists interviewed members of the Taliban on live television and in the open air. Women also led protests in Kabul, draping themselves in the black, red and green colors of the Afghan national flag, which the Taliban wants to replace with its own, a white banner with a black Islamic inscription. They have confronted armed members of the Taliban and demanded their hard-won gains be preserved, holding up hand-written messages scrawled on sheets of paper and chanting, “Work, education and political participation is our right!”

Many young Afghan women, especially those who are educated, grew up listening with horror as their mothers and grandmothers relayed stories from the times of the Taliban. The daughters’ lives were testament to change, and progress. “My family was a role model in our village,” says 22-year-old economics student Mozhgan, also a pseudonym. “People look and say, ‘their daughter studied and she can now help her family,” she said from her home in Samangan in central Afghanistan.

But that life is quickly unravelling. Since the Taliban seized control of her province earlier this month, Mozhgan has attended a wedding with no music and stopped her numeracy lessons for adult women. She now doesn’t know if she will be able to graduate, let alone work.

Ahead of the Taliban's arrival, Afghans and travelers pass through checkpoints at Hamid Karzai International Airport in Kabul on Aug. 15, 2021.
Kiana Hayeri—The New York Times/ReduxAhead of the Taliban’s arrival, Afghans and travelers pass through checkpoints at Hamid Karzai International Airport in Kabul on Aug. 15.

The hollow freedom of the exiled

Many Afghans felt they had no option but to try to leave, rather than wait to see if the Taliban’s promises would spare their lives, and those of their families.

When Zainab’s massive cargo plane landed and slid along the tarmac, the doors opened and a gush of hot air rushed over the evacuees. Some thought they were in Egypt but soon learned it was Qatar. They erupted into jubilation. “People started laughing and crying. Some were singing. They couldn’t believe it,” Zainab said days later from the sprawling U.S. military base where she is staying. “I didn’t, though. I had no one to cry or laugh with.”

Zainab now waits, alone, eating U.S. military-issued cookies and sleeping in the clothes in which she fled — a pewter blouse, dark pants and a yellow scarf. She hopes to claim asylum in a western European country. “I now have freedom. Freedom is the only thing that matters,” she says between muffled sobs, as she moves between elation to fear for her brothers, but especially her sisters, whom she left behind in Kabul.

“They say more refugees are coming here,” she says from her cot bed on the base. “I hope they manage, because the Taliban will never change.”



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Rebecca Hall Shows Some Bristling Energy in the Otherwise Turbid Ghost Thriller The Night House

If there’s one reason to view Oscar tastemakers with skepticism, it’s the career of Rebecca Hall. She’s one of our finest, most daring actors. But year after year, she fails to make a blip on the Academy’s radar (although she has won a BAFTA, and plenty of critics’ groups love her). Part of the problem—if you view this sort of thing as a problem—is that she tends to choose challenging roles laced with subterranean complexities. In Professor Marston & the Wonder Women (2017), she played a brainy, assured, freethinking academic who helps bring a comic-book heroine to life. And her dazzling, harrowing portrayal of troubled Florida TV-newswoman Christine Chubbuck, in the 2016 Christine, was one of the finest performances of that year. Though Hall has been working in movies for more than 15 years—and has directed a terrific, soon-to-be released first feature, Passing, adapted from the Nella Larsen novella—she still has the aura of an under-the-radar favorite, a performer who keeps us guessing as to what her next move might be.
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That’s a long way of saying that I’d watch Hall in anything—but David Bruckner’s ghosty grief thriller The Night House isn’t worthy of her gifts. Hall plays Beth, a recently widowed teacher living somewhere in woodsy upstate New York. Her husband, Owen (played, in flashback, by Evan Jonigkeit), committed suicide with a handgun she didn’t even know he owned. He also left an enigmatic note she can’t fully comprehend.

Beth always thought they’d been happy enough, and now she’s left to wonder why he’d take his own life. That would be a big enough heap of stress for any woman’s plate. But Owen apparently hasn’t fully passed into the beyond. The stereo turns on by itself in the middle of Beth’s mostly sleepless nights. She sometimes feels her husband’s presence so strongly she’s compelled to wrap her arms around its invisible form. These signs and signals aren’t all comfortingly benign. Beth keeps seeing bloody footprints on the dock outside the couple’s lakeside house. And when pressed, Beth’s kindly neighbor Mel (played by Vondie Curtis-Hall, always a welcome presence), informs her that Owen had exhibited some alarming behavior when he was alive. Mel had withheld these details from Beth in order to protect her, but now he sees they have more meaning in the wake of Owen’s death.

night-house-rebecca-hall
Rebecca Hall in The Night HouseSearchlight Pictures. © 2020 Twentieth Century Fox Film Corporation All Rights Reserved

Hall is terrific at playing characters dancing on the knife’s edge, and that’s what she brings to The Night House. Beth is a woman dressed in calm, muted tones of linen even as she’s bristling with confusion; sometimes you’d swear you can see her nerve endings through her skin. In one of the movie’s best scenes—something of a throwaway, but one that perfectly conveys Beth’s state, poised precisely between jittery fragility and DGAF recklessness—she unleashes her diplomatic vitriol on the mother of a student who has come to negotiate a better grade for her offspring. It’s a terrific and slightly odd moment, one that briefly jolts this mostly turbid film to life.

Read more reviews by Stephanie Zacharek

But Brucker (The Signal, The Ritual), working from a script by Ben Collins and Luke Piotrowski, leans in so hard on loud, scary noises and overly elaborate plot twists that some of his more subtle and effective touches get lost—for instance, the way a light shining out into the misty night just barely reveals the outline of a man, so minimally you’re not sure you really saw it. Hall strives to carry The Night House on her more-than-capable shoulders, but she can’t quite compensate for the moments when the movie is outright silly or, worse, boring. As Beth, she’s a woman capable of seeing things we can’t, stranded in a story that doesn’t trust her enigmatic power.



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Friday, 20 August 2021

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'Give us your Brexit disaster!' Frexiteer ridicules Remainers as Britons see wages surge - Daily Express

  1. 'Give us your Brexit disaster!' Frexiteer ridicules Remainers as Britons see wages surge  Daily Express
  2. Visceral fat: The best exercise if you're 'serious about losing belly fat fast' - key tip  Daily Express
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UK Covid booster jabs highly unlikely to begin soon, JCVI sources say - The Guardian

  1. UK Covid booster jabs highly unlikely to begin soon, JCVI sources say  The Guardian
  2. Decision on who should get a third dose of a Covid-19 vaccine 'imminent'  Devon Live
  3. Coronavirus LIVE updates as decision 'imminent' on who should get a third dose of a Covid-19 vaccine  Manchester Evening News
  4. UK vaccine watchdog expert sceptical about booster jabs for all adults  The Guardian
  5. Decision on Covid booster vaccines expected as JCVI meets  Evening Standard
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The Biden administration delayed giving visas to Afghans because it was worried about the 'optics' of resettling refugees, says GOP lawmaker trying to get them out



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Thursday, 19 August 2021

Europe Sees a Migration Crisis in the Making in Afghanistan. Have the Lessons of the 2015 Surge Been Learned?

Reshad Jalali was nine years old when U.S.-backed forces ousted the Taliban from Kabul in 2001, and vividly remembers the crackle of Afghan singers on the radio for the first time, a relative’s jubilation at shaving his beard, and a swelling of optimism all around him. “We said we are done with the Taliban, another chapter in Afghan history starts now,” he recalls.

But after that initial elation came a series of disappointments in both botched Western nation-building and corrupt Afghan governments, and his family eventually fled for Europe in 2006. Now Jalali faces his biggest disappointment of all, watching the Taliban return to the streets of his home country while many in his adopted continent appear more consumed by the potential for another refugee crisis, rather than in the fate of the Afghan people.
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“As an Afghan living in Europe, I’m shocked at what I have heard,” says Jalali, who now lives in Brussels and works as a Policy Officer at the European Council on Refugees and Exiles, a collective of NGOs. “I was expecting the E.U. to stand in solidarity with the people of Afghanistan rather than focusing on the narrow topic of migration.”

A mix of compassion and fear towards refugees

The European Union has a huge stake in Afghanistan’s past and future, given than most E.U. member states are also NATO allies and they have together pumped €4 billion in development aid into the country. How its leaders now respond to the prospect of rising numbers of Afghan refugees will be a key test of how the bloc has absorbed the lessons of 2015, when the Syrian civil war sparked a movement of more than 1 million people into Europe.

So far, the European response has oscillated between compassion for the fate of ordinary Afghans trapped under Taliban rule, and fear at the potential consequences at home. This was typified by French President Emmanuel Macron’s speech on Monday evening, when he spoke about both the need to “protect those who are in the greatest danger” and “protect ourselves against large migratory flows”.

The tone had been set earlier in the month, when the Netherlands, Germany, Belgium, Austria, Denmark, and Greece sent a letter to the E.U. executive urging them to continue deportations of Afghans with rejected asylum claims, arguing that halting expulsions “sent the wrong signal”.

The insensitivity of the letter at a time when the Taliban were marching on Kabul sparked outcry, and some signatories backtracked. But it was reflective of the increasingly hostile policies in place since 2015, when Europe’s mismanagement of the crisis caused a surge in support for far right and nationalist parties.

This new security-driven approach has seen E.U- backed missions accused of returning people to life-threatening situations in Libya and illegally pushing back boats which had reached Greek waters.

Afghans arriving in Europe bore the brunt of many of these harsher policies, with leaders reasoning that fatigue had set in about the “forever war” and Afghans could be sent back without much outcry. Between 2015 and 2016, the number of people returned to a country at war by E.U. member states tripled to nearly 10,000, and in some cases, people forcibly returned to Afghanistan were killed within months of arriving.

It is through this prism that the Taliban takeover is viewed in much of Europe, with fierce debate over the likelihood of another refugee crisis. Former Portuguese diplomat Bruno Macaes, writing in Politico, claimed another refugee wave “now seems inevitable”, citing Afghan diplomats who told him: “nothing can stop them – not even tanks”.

The key differences with 2015

So far there is little evidence of such an influx, says Camille Le Coz, a policy analyst with the migration think tank MPI Europe. She points out there are key differences between the situations in Syria and Afghanistan — not least the far greater geographical distance a person has to travel to reach Europe from the latter.

She also warns that such scaremongering can play into the hands of the populists, as well as the authoritarian governments eager to exploit Europe’s fear of refugees. The E.U. recently asked Iraq to stop its flights to Belarus, amid evidence that its dictatorial leader, Alexander Lukashenko, was flying Iraqis to his capital then bussing them to the border with Lithuania in retaliation against E.U. sanctions.

Belarus was following the example of Libya, Morocco, Russia, and Turkey, which have all exploited the migration issue to wield influence or punish the E.U. and its member states. “All the countries neighboring the E.U. border know this is a vulnerable spot, this refugee question, so this is an easy way to exert pressure,” Le Coz tells TIME.

History is poised to repeat itself with the Afghanistan situation. Turkey, which receives E.U. funding to stop people heading for Greece, is already positioning itself, claiming that the numbers of Afghans crossing its border with Iran are increasing and insisting that it will not bear the burden of housing them.

Le Coz says the Turkish statements on new arrivals should be treated with caution, and a more important discussion needs to take place between the E.U. leadership and Iran and Pakistan, which already host 2.6 million Afghan refugees and will bear the burden of a new, long-term exodus.

Read more: Afghans Who Fled the First Taliban Regime Found Precarious Sanctuary in Pakistan. New Refugees May Get an Even Colder Welcome

One of the drivers of the wave of migration to Europe in 2015 was the lack of support for Syrian refugee populations in Lebanon, Jordan and Turkey, a situation that German Chancellor Angela Merkel recently acknowledged, stressing that “we should not repeat the mistake of the past”.

But while Jordan and Lebanon then had good relations with the E.U, Le Coz points out that “the relationship with Pakistan and Iran is a lot more complicated.” The latter is still under heavy economic sanctions by the E.U., while Pakistan’s growing closeness to China has strained relations with Western nations.

Another question is who agrees to resettle Afghan refugees who do enter Europe, legally or illegally. This is one area where the lessons of 2015 have not been learned; despite pledges from some European nations, E.U. member states remain as divided as ever over the issue of migration, and have failed to agree on a new strategy for the redistribution of any new flows of people despite six years of debate.

“We should have learned from the past crisis and be mobilized to swiftly react to the situation now,” says Reshad Jalali. He agrees that supporting displaced people in Afghanistan and the surrounding region is key, but also points to measures that could be implemented immediately within the E.U, including approving all pending asylum decisions for Afghans, speeding up family reunions, and creating more pathways for resettlement.

All these measures should be put in place because it is the right thing to do, not out of self-interest, he says. “The immediate focus should be on how to save lives, how to provide protection, and how to prevent another humanitarian crisis, not another migration crisis.”



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Bridgend: Mother charged with murder of son, 2 - BBC News

  1. Bridgend: Mother charged with murder of son, 2  BBC News
  2. Woman charged with murder of two-year-old Welsh boy, Reid Steele  North Wales Live
  3. Woman, 31, charged with murder of two-year-old Reid Steele in Bridgend  ITV News
  4. Woman, 31, charged with murder of two-year-old Reid Steele from Bridgend  WalesOnline
  5. Mother in court accused of murdering two-year-old Reid Steele in Bridgend  WalesOnline
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Afghan President Ashraf Ghani reportedly fled Kabul with $169 million in cash



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Pelosi remarks on 'disarray' surrounding Afghanistan withdrawal



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Cardinal in serious condition after contracting COVID-19



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England v India: Hosts recall Dawid Malan, drop Dom Sibley and Zak Crawley for third Test - BBC Sport

  1. England v India: Hosts recall Dawid Malan, drop Dom Sibley and Zak Crawley for third Test  BBC Sport
  2. England recall Dawid Malan for third Test against India and drop Dom Sibley  Sky Sports
  3. England and Wales Cricket Board (ECB) - The Official Website of the ECB  ECB.co.uk
  4. ‘He needs time away’: England coach Silverwood drops Sibley for third Test  The Guardian
  5. Dawid Malan returns to England Test squad for third India clash with Dom Sibley dropped  Evening Standard
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Oddworld: Soulstorm coming to Xbox Series, Xbox One - Gematsu

  1. Oddworld: Soulstorm coming to Xbox Series, Xbox One  Gematsu
  2. Former PlayStation Exclusive Oddworld: Soulstorm Is Heading To Xbox  Pure Xbox
  3. Oddworld: Soulstorm  Oddworld Inhabitants
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Daphne Caruana Galizia murder: life term sought for alleged mastermind - The Guardian

  1. Daphne Caruana Galizia murder: life term sought for alleged mastermind  The Guardian
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  3. Maltese businessman indicted for journalist's 2017 murder  The Washington Post
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